Issues Surrounding the Quota System in Local Taiwan Government
Days before the second session of the 11th Legislative Yuan (立法院) came to a close, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP, 民進黨) lawmaker Fan Yun (范雲) drew attention to the role of women in Taiwan politics when she called upon both women’s groups and fellow legislators to enact changes to Taiwan’s Local Government Act (地方制度法). The request was that the legislature’s Internal Administration Committee (內政委員會)—which is tasked with monitoring administration policies of the legislative and executive bodies—propose amendments that would raise the existing male-to-female ratio within municipal elected bodies from 1:4 to 1:3. (Article 33 of the Act currently calls for a woman representative or councilor for every four seats in special municipalities, counties, cities, and townships, but no clear formula if there are fewer than four seats.)
The Act, which was last amended in 1999, was forward-thinking at the time. However, as Fan Yun pointed out, the law didn’t guarantee the presence of women in smaller municipal or local councils which hold fewer elected seats, and this has translated into all-male representation in local governments. Radio Taiwan International reports that as many as 40 constituencies in 135 council districts have no women in office. Because of this, amendments to the Act would bring a better gender balance to Taiwan’s governing bodies—one that is already reflected among representatives from Taiwan’s urban centers.
Kaohsiung City Councillor Cherry Tang (湯詠瑜) has commented that, “The quota system has been instrumental in securing the presence and representation of female voices in politics over time, [and] I think it has led to a significant increase in female representation. For example, [and] according to my understanding, in the central level, Legislative Yuan, women currently make up around 40 percent of the members… I think these figures reflect the positive impact of [the] quota system in paving the way for women to participate actively in [the] decision making process.” [1]
That a gender divide exists between male and female politicians here in Taiwan might come as a surprise—even to those who follow Taiwan politics closely. After all, Taiwan did have Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文), who served two terms as president from 2016 to 2024. Its electorate has also chosen two women to serve as vice president: Annette Lu Hsiu-lien (呂秀蓮) from 2000-2004, and Hsiao Bi-khim (蕭美琴), elected in 2024. Further, as of January 2024, 47 out of 113 elected members in parliament—or about 41.59 percent—are women. Hsiao has since called for that figure to rise to 50 percent.
The gender ratios as seen in Taiwan’s so-called “six municipalities” is also commendable. According to the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting, and Statistics, women vying for seats in council elections held in Taipei, New Taipei City, Taoyuan, Taichung, Tainan and Kaohsiung bagged just under 40 percent of the total number of seats up for grabs in 2022. So, if the story of women in politics could be told through a paint-by-numbers picture, Taiwan would easily outperform many countries around the world—including the United States, and Taiwan’s Asian neighbors Japan and South Korea.
Such participation is not without historical precedent. The political stage for Taiwan’s aspiring women politicians was set more than a century ago in 1946, when the Republic of China (ROC) Constitution was first promulgated in Nanking. The document spelled out the role women were expected to play in the new government: they were granted equal rights under Article 7, and guaranteed a percentage of elected seats at the national and county levels. This endeavor resulted in 201 women achieving election to the ROC’s first National Assembly, and 82 to the Legislative Yuan. These numbers were relatively small, given that the National Assembly had more than 3000 seats and the Legislative Yuan had 760—but as pointed out by writer Li-min Hsueh, an associate research fellow at the Chung-Hwa Institution for Economic Research (中華經濟研究院), “It was a remarkable record compared with the achievements of women in Western countries [during] the same period.”
The constitution alone can’t be given full credit for the credible participation of women in politics. Subsequent laws passed in modern day Taiwan—including 1999’s Local Government Act and the implementation of a Taiwan version of the United Nations’ Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 2007—were ways to ensure that women could continue to participate in the electoral process.
The quota system has its critics, but women politicians say now is not the time to talk about it, particularly since there is already a lack of representation at the city and county levels: some media reports say just 901 out of 3,048 of municipal seats—or about 29.6 percent—are occupied by women. Within the foreign service, which has no quotas, the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office in the United States has pointed out that even with a gender ratio of 53.1 percent male to 46.9 percent female among diplomats, “91 out of 110 overseas missions are headed by male diplomats, showing that the vast majority of the top jobs continue to be dominated by men.”
As stated by JhuCin Rita Jhang (張竹芩), adjunct assistant professor in the Global Health Program at National Taiwan University (國立臺灣大學), “The quota system has been demonstrably effective in increasing women’s political participation. For example, [the] legislature’s National At-Large and Overseas Compatriots Constituency has a quota requirement of no less than 50 percent of women, which [has] propelled womens’ representation to reach 41.6 percent. In the Special Municipality Multi-Member District elections, the gender quota stipulates that there has to be at least 1 woman in every 4 seats, [and] womens’ representation reached a historical high of 39.79 percent. In contrast, cabinet positions without quota requirements show only 23.5 percent female representation—though this is historically high, it remains far below womens’ proportion of the population.” [2]
Jhang, who unsuccessfully ran for a parliamentary seat in 2020 as a member of the Green Party (台灣綠黨), added: “Critics often present false dichotomies, suggesting quotas undermine merit-based selection or discriminate against men. However, these arguments ignore both women’s capabilities and the need for government to reflect the population it serves. The quota system addresses long-standing structural barriers that have historically limited women’s access to political positions.” [3]
Image: Faces of women in Taiwan politics: From left to right, Legislative Yuan members Chang Chia-chun (KMT), Chen Pei-yu (DPP), and Mạch Ngọc Trân (Mai Yu-zhen) (TPP) at a bipartisan press event (May 16, 2024). (Source: Legislative Yuan / Wikimedia Commons)
Cultural Attitudes and Enduring Forms of Informal Discrimination
Even though legislation has paved the way for women to take an active role in the political process, it has not kept women politicians at all levels from experiencing micro-aggressions and outright discrimination. Former President Tsai was relentlessly trolled by political rivals during her campaign and throughout her two terms for being unmarried and childless.
Former DPP Lawmaker Karen Yu (余宛如), who was in the Legislative Yuan between 2016 and 2020, said that she’d often heard derogatory remarks from older male colleagues and voters while she was in office. Yu said: “when they think that I’m not that easy to persua[de] or easygoing, they usually call me ‘little girl’, and [I was] looked down upon. Even when I was a director in the municipal city government, usually elder people will think that ‘Oh, you are you a secretary, or just a specialist’ instead of ‘Oh, you are [the] director’ [and I could] easily be ignored.” [4]
Even Cynthia Wu (吳欣盈), also a former lawmaker and Taiwan People’s Party (民眾黨) vice presidential candidate in the 2024 elections, has struggled to overcome gender stereotypes. “When I announced my vice president candidacy, the funny thing was, [the press] asked me, ‘What does your dad think? What [does] your uncle think? And did you talk to them yet?’ […] And I thought, well, actually, this is the same question you asked me when I became a legislator. ‘Did you talk to your grandpa? Did you talk to your uncle? Did you talk to your dad?’ Like, you know, how old am I, do I need permission to step out the door? So, it seems perfectly normal to ask those things. So, I think the society definitely has a bias where they cast more doubt on women.” [5]
“Discrimination comes in different forms, some subtle and some blatant. The more blatant one would be saying women cannot be a good anything because she’s bound to be a mother, and the more subtle one would be to attribute your accomplishments to your appearance, despite [packaging] it as a compliment, undermining women’s actual competence and hard work,” Jhang said. [6]
To women politicians like Rita Jhang and Cherry Tang, fixing the gender imbalance means more than just tweaking gender ratios. “While policy measures are essential for ensuring women’s political participation, they must be complemented by educational initiatives and broader social change. Given men’s current dominance in political spheres, their active recognition of gender imbalances and support for women’s participation is crucial. This approach benefits not just women but strengthens democratic representation overall,” Jhang said. [7]
Tang added: “Policy plays a crucial role in driving change and ensuring equal opportunities in the process of political participation. I think financial support and campaign funding—also the time flexibility and the public exposure to the constituents, as well as proper regulation—are necessary to create an environment where everyone, regardless of gender, can participate in public affairs and political campaigns equitably.” [8]
The lack of representation of women at local levels of government may come as a surprise, particularly since it is happening in country that elected Tsai Ing-wen to two terms as president. But while Taiwan recognises the critical role women play in both government and civil society, certain sectors still cannot move beyond their patriarchal roots—and this is a situation that continues to be prevalent across so much of East Asia today. It is up to policymakers across all genders to continue strengthening and reinforcing political participation for women—so that Taiwan’s political reality continues to match the perception that it is a strong global champion for gender equality, both as a society and as a government.
The main point: While Taiwan has been lauded for its high proportion of women in politics, female lawmakers still face discrimination and women are not adequately represented in smaller municipal or local councils that have fewer than four seats. Proposed changes to the Local Government Act, which would further help support women’s participation, would raise the existing male to female ratio within municipal elected bodies from 1:4 to 1:3.
[1] Interview with author, January 17, 2025.
[2] Interview with author, January 22, 2025.
[3] Interview with author, January 22, 2025.
[4] Interview with author, March 7, 2024.
[5] Interview with author, January 29, 2024.
[6] Interview with author, January 22, 2025.
[7] Interview with author, January 22, 2025.
[8] Interview with author, January 17, 2025.
